Even though the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) boasts of inscrutable support of the elite, upper-caste alias savarnas, their voter bank consists majorly of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Numerous attempts to appease this group, including the NEET PG OBC reservation bill, increased number of MPs from the suppressed classes and the recently passed Constitution (One Hundred and Fifth Amendment) Act, 2021 indicate the stronghold of this particular section on the ruling party.
However, after the passage of the abovementioned act, which gives states the power to identify and list Socially and Economically Backward Classes (SEBCs), allies of the NDA have been demanding a caste-based census, different from our decadal census. With caste and reservations being an extremely sensitive political issue in our country, a proposal that further puts the spotlight on caste is bound to get some opposition.
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The pivotal argument against a special SEBC census is the caste issues it will hypothetically exacerbate. It is generally preferred in our society to pretend the existence of caste unless the tag ends up benefiting you. I find this opposing argument very faulty and analogous to the claim of renouncing caste by giving up your surname. You cannot ignore the privileges and entitlements your caste gives you, irrespective of your belief in the caste system.
How is caste counted? Historical background
However, it is imperative to understand how and where caste is enumerated in the census, for me to stress the sheer importance of it. The results of the general census are confidential and only the tip of the iceberg is released to the public. Whereas the surveyed caste census information is open for state governments to use to shape their policies. The assessment of the caste system was discontinued after the Second World War in 1941 due to it being an ‘expensive affair’. Thereafter it was picked up by the Union govt in 2011 and the Karnataka state in 2015. The results were, dubiously, never declared by both.
The national census enumerates only the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and the Scheduled Tribes (STs) conveniently ignoring all other races, castes and tribes. With the aim of putting every person in well-specified boxes, people not belonging to either SC or ST are clubbed under the General umbrella term.
In the Indira Sawhney case, the Supreme Court of India had put a cap of a maximum 50% reservation in states for government jobs and educational institutes. It had also inserted a special provision of exceeding the given percentage only when the state provides conclusive data of a caste being underrepresented. With the lack of concrete information available about the exact numbers of OBCs in India, even the decision of arriving at the ceiling of 50% seems eerily familiar to a guesstimate problem. Innumerable cases of states increasing this limit, the latest being the Maratha case which was struck down by the SC have emerged.
Opposition from the Government
In bare and clear language, the government is in an extremely comfortable position right now and disrupting the status quo will harm them immensely. BJP’s staunch supporters are the elite, upper castes which are, however, a minority. They cannot afford to antagonise their main electorate which consists of the backward classes. The reservation policies currently support the dominant castes even in the OBCs and a crystal-cut demarcation of sub-castes will promote inter-caste troubles. The apparent myth and power of a subcaste that is dominant or being in large numbers will vanish when clarity regarding the exact population emerges. Exclusionary reservation will be demanded by each subcaste leading to a plethora of problems for our government. Considering we have legislative assembly elections for Uttar Pradesh next year, there is no incentive for the BJP to stir up trouble for itself concerning its voter bank.
Importance of Enumeration of Castes
Targeted welfare policies. The bunching of SEBC subcastes and the absence of information on their exact population leads to insurmountable wastage of resources while drafting policies. Not knowing your target group well will undeniably guarantee policy failure.
To achieve the ideal of a casteless society. Refuting all the claims of a caste census perpetuating the negative elements of caste, it is a dire need to bring caste into political discourse especially in the current times where the upper castes in urban areas are living under a complete delusion. The caste system is omnipresent, it will remain indestructible unless equality is promised to every section of our community.
Removal of unnecessary demands of sub caste reservations. With compact and substantial information available in the public sphere, there will be no question of claims of underrepresentation by every sub caste.
Comprehensive data collection. The decennial census does not give a holistic overview in the context of socio-economic factors. Coupled with an SEBC census, there will be uniformity in the base dataset for both the union and the state governments to legislate on.
All the above-mentioned factors are contingent on the government moving out of their comfort zone and looking ahead rather than just guaranteeing their re-election. Unfortunately, a democracy’s foundation is built on incentives and we do not live in a utopia.
Former governments have always been wary of tackling issues related to the caste system and a fine balance has to be maintained, which I doubt the future governments would also be capable of. While half of the country is still stuck in the ancient debate of the validity of these reservations, the idea that caste is inclusive for India’s growth should be cemented in each citizen’s mind.
Brewing Caste and Census
"The government looking ahead rather than just guaranteeing their re-election"
Truly need this the most!